This New Ocean II

Although not all space lawyers are mesmerized by the Deep Seabed Hard Mineral Resources Act (the Deep Seabed Mineral Act), I confess that I am. Accordingly, when the Deep Seabed Mineral Act offers a model of a regulatory scheme for resources extracted from the global commons, taking a peek at new happenings under that law can prove irresistible.

Regular readers may recall that back in April of this year the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration asked for comments on a request for a license extension from Lockheed Martin Corporation, one of NOAA’s licensees under the Deep Seabed Mineral Act. NOAA approved the requested five-year extension of Lockheed’s exploration license. The extension maintains Lockheed’s proprietary interests but does not authorize Lockheed to conduct “at-sea exploration activities” under the license. Instead, NOAA must perform additional authorization and further environmental review before Lockheed may conduct exploration at sea.

I wondered in April whether competitors or environmental groups might file comments. Now we know. NOAA had requested comments specifically from the Department of State and the Western Pacific Fisheries Management Council. State had no objections or comments. The Council found that none of the fisheries under its jurisdiction would be affected by the onshore activities Lockheed described in its request and did not object to the extension. Depending on the location of the fisheries and the mining targets, the Council could theoretically object later to actual exploration.

NOAA received five other comments. A review of the docket shows they appear to come from individuals. The commenters’ objections fall into three categories: environmental, international, and claims that Lockheed failed to substantially comply with its license and application plan. One commenter objected to Lockheed’s rationales for requesting an extension, namely, that economic conditions are not ripe and that the U.S. must accede to the 1982 Law of the Sea Treaty. NOAA’s responses are available here.

What’s interesting about all the objections to the extension is that it shows that the regulatory agency, NOAA in this instance, could have found that the licensee had not substantially complied and thus denied the request for extension. This means that one’s business plans and prospects may lie outside a company’s control. To the extent that a company has not managed its relations properly with the regulator or filed only a cursory statement of its progress it may place itself at regulatory risk. Additionally, the participation of the public provides another opportunity for the throwing of monkey wrenches into the works. While such a regulatory regime is affordable for companies with the infrastructure to cater to its care and feeding, smaller companies may not have the same resources.

The commenter linked to above provides a good example of the type of comments a competitor might have filed. If someone else wanted a license to mine where the first licensee had yet to act, the new competitor might make arguments about the equities of letting a claim be hoarded rather than worked, and the regulator might be persuaded despite the investments the first company had made.

For those interested in a similar regulatory regime for space, it might be advisable to proceed with caution.

 

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This New Ocean

This isn’t space law, but it feels like space law.  Or, to put it more pedantically, this application to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration from Lockheed Martin Corporation to extend its deep seabed mineral exploration licenses contains interesting parallels to the mining of celestial bodies.  The mining would take place outside of anyone’s sovereign territory.  As a review of Lockheed Martin’s application shows, it’s technically very difficult.  Also, there’s a treaty that Lockheed is waiting on the United States to ratify, somewhat like some space miners are waiting for Congress set up a regulatory structure for them before they will start mining.   There is an International Seabed Authority, much as some, including the signatories of the Moon Treaty, would have there be an international authority for extraterrestrial activity.  Unlike for space miners, Congress did pass a law, the 1980 Deep Seabed Hard Mineral Resources Act, to regulate and administer seabed mining.

NOAA’s Federal Register notice links to the application itself.  In its application, Lockheed Martin states that it:

requests an extension of the seabed exploration licenses for the two Lockheed Martin claims, USA-1 and USA-4. NOAA renewed these licenses in 2012 enabling us to continue our investigation into the viability of exploration and development of the USA-1 and USA-4 licensed areas. Since the most recent 5 year license extension was granted, the Corporation has made significant progress against Phase I of its Exploration Plan.1 However, during the same period, progress on the Exploration Plan has been delayed due to the prolonged, severely depressed state of the metals markets and continued delay in resolving the security of tenure issues given the lack of ratification of the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea.

It would be very interesting to know why Lockheed sees the lack of ratification of the UN Convention as an impediment to going forward, but I found no additional detail or explanation in the Lockheed application for this tantalizing tidbit.

A quick internet search unearthed this comprehensive review of the 1982 UNCLOS.  Writing in 2012, Steven Groves of the Heritage Foundation explains how U.S. companies can engage in seabed mining without joining UNCLOS.  For one thing, the United States has entered into a series of agreements with other nations to, among other things, resolve conflicting claims and to notify each other when approving applications for exploration. A number of nations

have made a commitment to the United States that they will not interfere with or infringe on the claims by the United States or its companies in the CCZ. None of the nations has denounced or withdrawn from the agreements or has otherwise indicated that it does not respect its international commitments to recognize U.S. claims in the CCZ.

As a legal matter the article notes, the countries who are part of  UNCLOS “cannot prevent the United States or any other nation from mining the seabed any more than they can prevent the U.S. from exercising the freedom of navigation and overflight, the freedom of fishing, or any other high seas freedom.”

Simply because most nations have ratified UNCLOS does not mean that those nations or any international organization, such as the Authority, may deny a right to the United States that it enjoys under international law. One set of nations cannot annul the rights of another set of nations by drafting a treaty that the second set of nations chooses not to join.

(From the perspective of Article II of the Outer Space Treaty, which bars national appropriation of celestial bodies, it is interesting to note that no nations claim sovereignty over the deep seabed yet those nations may recognize claims.)

Groves’ article sums up the state of affairs for security of tenure:

In sum, acting under the authority of DSHMRA, customary international law, and multilateral agreements with foreign countries and companies, the United States has successfully claimed and maintained security of tenure over vast tracts of the deep seabed. The U.S. has done so as an independent sovereign nation exercising its inherent rights.

Groves’ discussion highlights a number of areas of concern for U.S. companies, including environmental measures, inspections, data sharing, and, most significantly for a company with fiduciary obligations to its shareholders:

Under an UNCLOS regime, a U.S. company would have limited control over the area licensed to it for exploration. Once a U.S. company identifies an area of the seabed that it wants to explore, it must divide the area into two halves of equal estimated commercial value and share its data on the area with the Authority.[51] Thereafter, the Council reserves one half of the area for exploration by developing countries or the Enterprise, the Authority’s mining arm.[52] The remaining half would be licensed to the U.S. company for exploration. The size of the U.S. company’s half is effectively limited to only 75,000 square kilometers.[53] (By comparison, the USA-1 exploration area is almost 169,000 square kilometers.[54] Finally, a U.S. company would not have exclusive access to its half because the Authority has the right to enter into contracts with third parties to explore and mine the U.S. half for resources other than polymetallic nodules.

According to NOAA’s Federal Register notice, it seeks comments from the public by May 22, 2017, on Lockheed Martin’s request for an extension.  It will be interesting to follow this docket and see if anyone objects to the extension.  Might competitors file?  Might environmental groups?  Might those who think this a fine regulatory model for outer space be deterred by the thought that others get to comment on and thus delay their business plans?

Bonus points to anyone able to identify the source of this post’s title.

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Science Fiction, Space Law, and the Regulatory State: Or, How John Varley Broke My Heart but Other Science Fiction Writers Shouldn’t Have To

redthunder-from-amazonI read John Varley in my teens. I had a subscription to Analog, or, Galaxy, it might have been; and Varley’s short stories showed up there regularly. He was really close to Heinlein in my pantheon of favorite authors. I read The Ophiuchi Hotline when it came out, and waited eagerly for Titan and its sequels.

I grew up, I went to law school, I worked for a law firm.   I changed jobs and became a space lawyer for the Federal Aviation Administration and worked on commercial space transportation issues under the Commercial Space Launch Act (CSLA). (Of course, none of the views expressed here represent those of my former employer, especially the stuff about John Varley). So, about a decade ago, when I saw Red Thunder, a really fun book about a group of young people with a secret space engine trying to get to Mars before anyone else, I was very happy to pick it up.

Reading it was just heaven, until it got to a certain point: the point where our heroes agreed amongst themselves they didn’t need much in the way of regulatory approvals, aside from getting clearance from the FAA’s Air Traffic (which, if I recall correctly, everything being secret and all, I don’t think they bothered with). But, and here’s the sad part, the characters made no mention of FAA launch licensing.  They only defied Air Traffic , but they should have also defied the FAA’s Office of Commercial Space Transportation.

How could John Varley have let me down like this? He could talk about Air Traffic control, but not about the licensing requirements of the Commercial Space Launch Act? What was wrong with him? Did science fiction writers have no regard for the law? Michael Flynn knew about the CSLA, and its administrators showed up as petty bureaucrats in Firestar. That was cool. He was up to snuff. But John Varley? Continue reading

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